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Money & Taxes

How we pay for it

The rule that resolves every cost question: each commitment is phased, and each phase starts only when its money is in place.

Budget for Toronto vs the City’s 2026 Budget

My plan keeps year one inside the City’s existing $18.9 billion operating budget. It changes priorities rather than total spending, and every new commitment is phased so each phase starts only when its money is in place.

The City’s 2026 budget at a glance

Item2026 figure
Operating budget$18.9 billion ($16.61B tax-supported, $2.25B rate-supported)
Paid for by property taxes31%
Paid for by federal and provincial funding24%
Drawn from reservesAbout 9% of the budget, including $323 million in “temporary bridging”
Ontario-Toronto New Deal operating support$1.23 billion
Efficiencies, reductions and offsets$788 million
Residential property tax increase2.2% (0.7% operating + 1.5% City Building Fund) = $91.53 a year on the average home
TTC, net city funding$1.48 billion (up about $94 million); gross budget about $3 billion; fares frozen
Toronto Police Service, net$1.43 billion (up $93.8 million); about 90% is labour
Shelter services$786 million (down $126 million from $912 million)
Small business property tax reduction20%
10-year capital plan$63.1 billion, about 53% for repairs

Side by side

LineCity 2026My plan, year oneEffect on the budgetPaid for by
Residential property tax+2.2%0% for one year, then taxes geared to incomeGives up one year’s increase (exact amount: City Finance)Forensic budget review savings
TTC faresFrozen, with a monthly ride capFrozen for all; free for the first phase of riders (low-income, youth, seniors); universal free when a provincial/federal partner is securedPhase 1 sized to the parking levy; universal free about $1.0–1.1 billion a yearCommercial parking levy, then a provincial/federal operating partner
Police$1.43 billion net, up $93.8 millionHeld at $1.43 billion; inside it, illegal guns, trafficking and child exploitation come firstNo increase in year oneNot applicable (saving)
Shelter$786 million, cut by $126 millionNo one turned away; housing-first exitsUp to $126 million to reverse the cut, to be costedReview savings; housing share of the vacant home tax
Child careFederal/provincial program, city subsidies with a waitlistPhase 1: $0 for low-income families and clear the waitlistTo be costedFederal/provincial funding first, then city
School foodExpanded student nutrition programFurther expansion toward hot lunch in every schoolTo be costed with school boardsCity nutrition funding, plus a push for provincial/federal funding
Small business tax20% reductionRaise toward the 35% provincial maximumShifts tax to other classes; to be costedWithin the property-tax system
Luxury and vacant homesVacant home tax at 3%; higher land transfer tax above $3 millionKeep both; consider higher rates on luxury homesNew revenue, to be costedNot applicable (revenue)
ReservesAbout 9% of the budget drawn from reservesReduce the draw over the termSaving needed over four yearsReview savings
Capital plan$63.1 billion, 53% repairRepair first; audit major projects before new megaprojects; keep the Gardiner and DVPSame envelope, different orderExisting capital plan

Year one: does it balance?

Year one balances only if the forensic review finds savings at least equal to the property-tax freeze, the shelter restoration and the first child-care phase. The parking levy pays for the first free-transit phase and nothing else, so it is never counted twice.

AmountStatus
New money: commercial parking levy$100–108 million (low rate) to about $490 million ($1.50 per space per day)City staff and KPMG estimates, to confirm
New cost: free TTC Phase 1Equal to what the levy raisesSized to the levy
New cost: property-tax freezeOne year’s increase (City Finance figure)To be costed
New cost: shelter, no turn-awaysUp to $126 millionTo be costed
New cost: child care Phase 1To be costedDepends on federal/provincial share
Must be found: review savingsAt least the freeze + shelter + child careUnknown until the review

What has to be true

  • New savings, on top of 2026’s. The City already used $788 million in efficiencies to balance 2026, so the review must find savings beyond those.
  • The starting point leans on one-time money. The 2026 budget draws about 9% from reserves, including $323 million in temporary bridging. Any saving goes first to closing that, then to new commitments.
  • The police hold slows hiring. About 90% of the police budget is labour, and wages are set by collective agreement, so holding at $1.43 billion means slowing the multi-year plan to hire 720 officers. The Police Services Board decides this, and as mayor I would sit on it.
  • Universal free transit needs a partner. The city can make the decision, but $1.0–1.1 billion a year needs Queen’s Park and Ottawa.

The economic cost of racism in Toronto

Racial barriers in work and pay cost Toronto an estimated $3 billion to $8 billion a year in lost income and output. That is lost to residents and the local economy, not a line in the City’s budget, but it shows up in the city’s costs: housing affordability, shelter demand, Fair Pass and food-program use.

How the estimate is built

StepFigure
National lost GDP from underused immigrant skills$20 billion a year (CIBC, 2012) to about $50 billion a year (RBC, cited by WES)
Toronto’s racialized population1,537,285 people, 55.7% of the city (2021 Census)
Toronto’s share of Canada’s racialized populationAbout 16% (Canada about 9.6 million, 26.5%)
Toronto’s share of the national lossAbout $3.2 billion to $8.0 billion a year

Honest limits. The national figures measure underused immigrant skills, which includes racism alongside other barriers such as credential recognition. No study separates racism’s share precisely, so this is an order-of-magnitude estimate, not an exact cost. It also leaves out Canadian-born racialized workers, who still face a pay gap: in 2016 Census data, racialized men earned 78 cents and racialized women 59 cents for every dollar earned by non-racialized men.

What closing part of the gap is worth. Closing just 10% of it would add roughly $300 million to $800 million a year in income for Toronto residents.

City Hall’s response (within existing budgets)

LeverWhat the city doesCost
City hiring and promotionFair, structured hiring for city jobs; publish hiring and promotion results by group each yearWithin the existing HR budget
City purchasingSmaller purchase lots and lower barriers so local small firms, including racialized-owned firms, can competeWithin existing procurement
Credential pathwaysCity-paid training for city jobs opened to internationally trained residents, with colleges recognizing prior credentialsPart of the city-paid tuition line
Services without fearAccess T.O. and plain-language, multilingual city servicesWithin existing budgets
Report the gapTrack the city workforce pay gap by group and publish it with the budget each yearMinimal

I’ll fight for: faster provincial credential recognition and stronger provincial and federal employment-equity enforcement, where the largest levers sit.

Sources

Fiscal accountability

Forensic Budget Review

If elected Mayor, I will order a forensic-style review of Toronto’s $18.9 billion operating budget and $63.1 billion 10-year capital plan, so residents can see where money actually goes.

What the review will do

  • map the largest operating and capital expenditures
  • flag major increases since 2023
  • separate one-time spikes from structural growth
  • show what is tax-supported vs rate-supported
  • publish a plain-language public report with findings and recommended next steps

What a mayor can deliver

Deliver: Commission and publish the review in the first year. Open the data so Torontonians can follow the money.

What I’ll fight for

Advocate: Queen’s Park and Ottawa where provincial or federal rules lock in waste or block savings.

Questions? Email bethechangeno1@gmail.com · Call (647) 785-3729

Property tax

Property Tax Geared to Income

A One-Year Freeze, Followed by Fairness Based on Ability to Pay

Toronto is becoming increasingly unaffordable. Property taxes, housing costs, utilities, food, transportation and everyday expenses are putting enormous pressure on families, seniors and people living on fixed or modest incomes.

A home may increase in assessed value, but that does not mean the person living in it has more money in their bank account.

A senior who bought a home decades ago may now live in a valuable property while surviving on a modest pension. A family may have experienced a job loss or reduction in income. A homeowner’s property value can rise substantially without their salary rising at all.

My proposal is therefore based on a simple principle:

Property-tax policy should recognize people’s ability to pay, not simply the value of the roof over their heads.

As Mayor, I would introduce a two-stage Property Tax Affordability and Fairness Plan.

1. Freeze residential property-tax increases for one year

For the first budget under my administration, I would propose no increase in Toronto’s residential municipal property-tax rate, subject to Council approval and adoption of a balanced City budget.

The freeze would give homeowners immediate breathing room while my administration undertakes a comprehensive review of City finances.

This would not mean abandoning public services. It would mean requiring the City to examine its spending before automatically asking residents for more money.

Toronto’s 2026 operating budget is approximately $18.86 billion, of which approximately $5.79 billion comes from property-tax revenue. The City’s 10-year capital plan is approximately $63.06 billion.

During the freeze year, my administration would undertake a comprehensive expenditure and value-for-money review focusing on major contracts, consulting expenditures, administrative duplication, procurement, project overruns, capital-project management, vacancies and unnecessary expenditures.

Essential frontline services, including transit, emergency services, housing, infrastructure maintenance and services supporting vulnerable residents, would be evaluated separately from opportunities to reduce waste and improve efficiency.

The results would be published for Torontonians to see.

2. Introduce Property Tax Geared to Income

After the freeze year, I would work toward a permanent Property Tax Geared to Income framework.

Toronto would continue to levy property taxes within Ontario’s municipal taxation system, but qualifying owner-occupied households would receive income-tested protection against future municipal property-tax increases.

I would ask City finance and legal staff to develop and cost a sliding-scale model for Council consideration.

An initial model for study would be:

Household income below $60,000: protection from 100% of the annual municipal property-tax increase.

$60,000–$80,000: protection from 75% of the increase.

$80,000–$100,000: protection from 50% of the increase.

$100,000–$120,000: protection from 25% of the increase.

Above $120,000: regular property-tax treatment.

These brackets are proposed starting points. Before implementation, they would be independently costed using Toronto household-income and property-tax data, and the final thresholds would be considered publicly by Council.

Income thresholds should also be indexed so that inflation does not gradually push households out of the program.

3. Protect seniors and people on fixed incomes

No senior should have to consider selling a longtime home simply because the neighbourhood became more expensive.

Toronto already recognizes this problem.

For 2026, the City’s Property Tax Increase Cancellation Program has a household-income ceiling of $62,000 and an assessment ceiling of $975,000, along with age/disability eligibility requirements. Toronto also operates a Property Tax Increase Deferral Program.

The City’s 2026 budget estimates approximately 12,000 households will benefit from existing property-tax relief programs.

My proposal would build on this existing infrastructure while examining how income-tested protection can be made available more broadly.

4. Expand the principle beyond age and disability

Financial hardship does not begin at age 65.

A 45-year-old parent who loses a job can face the same risk of losing a home as a retired homeowner.

A family earning $65,000 in Toronto can face serious affordability pressures even though they may not qualify for existing property-tax cancellation programs.

That is why I would ask the City to examine expanding income-tested protection beyond the existing senior and disability categories.

There is an important legal limitation that must be addressed transparently.

Section 283 of the City of Toronto Act, 2006 expressly provides for deferral, cancellation or other relief from property-tax increases for low-income seniors and low-income persons with disabilities.

My administration would therefore ask the City Solicitor to determine how far Toronto can expand income-tested relief using its existing authority.

Where provincial legislation is required, I would formally ask the Government of Ontario to amend the City of Toronto Act to provide Toronto with broader authority to establish income-tested residential property-tax relief.

I will not promise a mechanism that Toronto does not legally have the authority to establish.

5. Design the program carefully

A household should not receive ongoing relief simply because its income happens to be low in one particular year.

The program would therefore be designed with safeguards.

City staff would examine an appropriate principal-residence requirement, property-value ceiling, household-income definition, anti-avoidance provisions and treatment of unusual circumstances.

The objective is to protect ordinary Toronto households facing genuine affordability pressures, not create a tax loophole.

Questions? Email bethechangeno1@gmail.com · Call (647) 785-3729

6. Make applying simple

Toronto should not create another complicated bureaucracy.

The City already allows applicants for existing relief programs to have household income securely verified through the Canada Revenue Agency.

I would build on that system.

The goal would be a simple annual application with CRA income verification, clear eligibility requirements and an accessible alternative for residents who cannot apply digitally.

Residents should not need to hire an accountant to determine whether they qualify.

7. Renters must not be forgotten

More affordable property taxes for homeowners alone will not solve Toronto’s affordability crisis.

Renters also face increasing housing costs.

My administration would therefore develop renter-affordability measures alongside the property-tax program rather than claiming that homeowner tax relief automatically benefits tenants.

The principle should be consistent:

Housing affordability policies must protect people according to their economic circumstances, whether they own or rent their homes.

8. Small businesses need protection too

Toronto’s neighbourhood businesses are also struggling with rent, taxes, operating expenses and declining affordability.

Toronto already provides a reduced property-tax rate through its Small Business Property Tax Subclass; the City’s 2026 budget says the reduction applies to more than 28,000 small businesses.

My administration would review the effectiveness of this program and examine additional targeted relief for genuinely small and independent businesses, while ensuring that benefits intended for small businesses do not simply become subsidies for large corporations or commercial landlords.

9. Accountability before asking taxpayers for more

The principle behind this proposal goes beyond property taxes.

Before City Hall asks a family struggling with groceries, mortgage payments and utility bills for another dollar, residents deserve to know how the money already collected is being spent.

My administration would publish clear information about City spending, major contracts, capital-project costs, cost overruns and the results of expenditure reviews.

When additional revenue is genuinely necessary to maintain services, residents should be able to see why.

When savings can be achieved through better management, those savings should come before unnecessary increases.

The plan

Year One: FREEZE

Propose a one-year freeze on residential municipal property-tax increases while protecting essential services.

Year One: REVIEW

Conduct and publish a comprehensive review of City expenditures, major contracts, procurement and capital projects.

Year Two onward: REFORM

Introduce the broadest legally permissible income-tested property-tax relief program, subject to Council approval and detailed costing.

PROTECT

Give the greatest protection to lower-income homeowners, seniors and households experiencing genuine financial pressure.

MODERNIZE

Use existing CRA income-verification infrastructure to make applications straightforward.

SEEK PROVINCIAL AUTHORITY

Where Toronto’s existing legislation does not permit broader income-geared relief, formally seek amendments to the City of Toronto Act.

REPORT

Publish the program’s annual cost, number of households assisted, income distribution of recipients and impact on City revenues.

Freeze. Review. Reform.

My approach to property taxes is not simply about whether the annual increase is zero, two per cent or four per cent.

It asks a more fundamental question:

Who can actually afford to pay more?

I am proposing a one-year residential property-tax freeze while we examine City spending, followed by a new approach to property-tax relief based on household income and ability to pay.

Your home’s value can rise without your income rising.

A Toronto resident should not be pushed out of a longtime home simply because the value of the land underneath it increased.

Property Tax Geared to Income means protecting people’s homes while maintaining the revenues Toronto needs to provide the services we all depend on.

It is an approach based on affordability, fiscal responsibility, transparency and fairness.

Questions? Email bethechangeno1@gmail.com · Call (647) 785-3729

Honest, accountable government

Honest, evidence-based budgets [City Hall delivers]

Multi-year budgets, repair-first capital, and no election-year gimmicks. Decisions made on evidence, with the books open.

Accountability for big projects & big events [City Hall delivers]

A live public dashboard for every major project (budget, forecast, changes, percent complete) independent gate reviews before a project advances or gets a top-up, and a full public accounting of World Cup spending. Where the city gets better value doing the work itself, I’ll bring it in-house with our own crews and local hourly hires instead of costly outside contracts, so public money buys results and local jobs, not contractor markups.

Clean government and open competition [City Hall delivers]

Lobbying transparency, no access-for-donors, close the dark-money loophole, and open, fair competition so small and mid-size businesses can win city work.

Audit first, then build on what’s underway [City Hall delivers]

Toronto already has major builds in motion, the Ontario Line, Scarborough Subway Extension, Eglinton Crosstown West, Gardiner rehab, and waterfront / Port Lands work. I won’t throw them out. I will put an engineer’s audit on schedule, cost, contracts, and delivery first, then finish what works, fix what doesn’t, and stop waste before we add new megaprojects.

Some of these are provincial Metrolinx projects. City Hall still owes residents a clear audit of city costs, local impacts, and whether delivery matches the promise.

Proof it can be done

New York just elected a mayor on this agenda

An affordability platform isn’t a fantasy. New Yorkers voted for one, and the fight to deliver it shows both what a city can do on its own and what it has to win from a higher government. Here’s how it maps onto my plan.

Drivers

New York: Won debt relief for taxi drivers and set minimum per-trip pay through the city’s own taxi commission.

My plan for Toronto: Use Toronto’s rideshare and taxi licence to require pay transparency, deactivation protection, and a fair-earnings floor.

Tax the rich to pay for it

New York: Is fighting to fund free buses and child care by taxing corporations and top earners, a fight that runs through the state capital.

My plan for Toronto: Tax what the city can reach (luxury and vacant homes, a commercial parking levy) and demand the province and Ottawa deliver their share.

Affordability

New York: Froze rents on stabilized units and is pushing to make buses free, the delivered wins and the ones still being fought for.

My plan for Toronto: Free TTC, homes you can own on public land, and affordable child care.

The honest part: some of these are already done, and some are still being fought for at the state level. That’s exactly the line my plan draws, what a mayor delivers, and what a mayor has to win from Queen’s Park and Ottawa.